Dear Scotland, 4 Reasons to Vote Yes for Independence #IndyRef #VoteYes

Dear Scotland,

Today you have the opportunity to change History — I hope you do and I hope you Vote Yes.

Despite what the establishment politicians and celebrities say many of us south of the border wish to see this Union end. This is not for negative reasons — quite the oposite. I would like to see power decentralised; A shake up of the establishment; And a reinvogoration of English democracy and freedom.

So genuinely, from the bottom of my heart, I wish you all the best with your great endeavour. To borrow a phrase from Mr Salmond, I hope you take this “once in a lifetime opportunity”…

But for those of you who are waivering on how to vote I have 4 reasons to Vote Yes…

1. The Union as we know it is dead. The establishment won’t admit it until the evacuation helicopters are on the roof, but the game is up. Devo Max is not a viable alternative to the status quo nor independence. While it might work for Scotland it cannot possibly work for England, Wales and Northern Ireland. It will just prolong the death throws of the Union and lead to greater animosity between our nations. So please Vote Yes and we can all make a clean start.

2. Your economy won’t die. Alex Salmond’s views on the economy are most likely wrong, but so are the views of the naysayers. Your economy won’t fall off a cliff because you choose independence. Yes there will be some hurdles to overcome, but businesses won’t flee immediately and jobs won’t dry up. Remember despite the financial crisis Iceland is still with us, it didn’t disappear into the sea. The opportunity to run your own economy is significant. You could for example scrap Corporation Tax or cut it significantly without damaging public spending — it raises less less than 10% of revenues and just think what those ‘negative’ businesses would say. Vote Yes, take control of your future and build the economy you want.

3. We can still live in peace and prosperity together. Any politician who tells you we won’t be able to enjoy many of the same benefits we do today is a fool and a liar. There is no reason we can’t have free trade and open borders — no reason at all. I still want my Scotch and I’m sure you still want to do business in London. It really is as simple as not posting any guards at the border. Just as the French do with the Swiss… Vote Yes and we can live in peace and prosperity together.

4. Let’s give the establishment a kicking. We as a people may never get another opportunity like this. All the politicians campaigning for a no vote are simply doing so to maintain the status quo and their position of privileged. Hasten Cameron’s embarrassing crocodile tears. He knows he is a dead man walking, and so does Miliband, Darling and the rest. A break in the union will benefit us all. It will free us from the mediocre political yoke that has diminished us. And I truly believe it will reinvigorate politics in each of our fine nations. So please Vote Yes today — for freedom and an end to our rotten political elite.

Yours sincerely,

Robert Duncan Waller

A Pessimists Take on the Scottish Referendum

A recent article in The Economist highlighted that two Britains are emerging one cosmopolitan the other communal. The Scottish cry for independence is the loudest communal voice in Britain right now. Politicos are predicting that the SNP are the beginning of a Communal revolution. I take a less optimistic view on the vote.

“As ever, political tectonics are following socioeconomic ones. Just as England is splitting along lines perpendicular to its traditional divisions, so its two main political parties are tearing along their middles. Mr Parris’s column and the reaction to it neatly depict the debate within the Conservative Party. A very similar conflict is playing out in Labour ranks, too. In both, communitarians have come to blows with cosmopolitans.

The communitarian argument, as the responses to Mr Parris indicate, starts with the claim that Britain’s political disillusionment stems from the haughtiness of liberal metropolitan elites. In particular those of this outlook cite immigration and the EU, but other bugbears like MPs’ expenses, big business and purported NHS privatisation also play a role. London-bashing often features, too. Thomas Friedman, a New York Times writer, describes the political expression of such concerns as “the olive tree”—the outlook that most venerates that which is rooted and has existed for generations.

The cosmopolitan argument, by contrast, takes London as its starting point. In this philosophy, the capital’s success lies in its liberal-minded embrace of open markets, immigration and globalisation in general. Though the London-bashing communitarians are reluctant to admit it, successful English towns and cities beyond the M25 exhibit the same characteristics. Milton Keynes and Swindon, for example, are similarly pro-development. Manchester shares the capital’s knack for integrating a single urban economic area. Leeds has a pro-finance creed that has served it well. Coventry has made promising steps towards a post-Fordist manufacturing world. As Mr Friedman would put it, these places are embracing the “Lexus”—that which is disruptive and modern.”-The Economist, Clacton Versus Cambridge

The article goes on to conclude that a political party that fully embodies the ‘cosmopolitan’ principles will dominate Twenty First century politics. Despite being a thought provoking and original article, I would argue the The Economist is wrong in it’s conclusion. I would argue that despite being the dominant ideological vision of our time. The neoliberal cosmopolitan vision is being slowly washed away by a tide of popular nationalism.

The Scottish vote will soon be upon us, at the time I am writing this article the verdict is far from certain. As is to be expected political commentators are already forecasting the wide ranging implications of this important event. Whatever path the Scots decide, the result will be monumental for the future of British political life. However in my opinion the enormous fun of futurology must make way for the undoubtedly somber reality of British political life.

There has been talk already of a ‘secessionist revolution’. A notion that in the wake of an SNP victory aspiring states across Europe and perhaps further afield will clamor for their own independence referendums. Even in the event that Alex Salmond is defeated there will be a significant constitutional shift in the UK towards ‘Devo- Max’, in such a circumstance it would be difficult to see how even if the no campaign wins it could be considered a complete victory.

One of the most interesting aspects of the independence campaign Scotland is that it is primarily a ‘working class’ campaign. Alex Salmond’s agenda is decidedly left wing and writers on the left have keen to stress the proletarian credentials of the Scottish cry for independence. Arguably UKIP represents a similar phenomenon albeit the popular appeal of Mr. Farage’s throng of supporters lies in much different areas than the SNP.

So why the pessimism? Surely the success of the Nationalists in Scotland and the disquiet UKIP caused in the local council elections shows that the winds of change are blowing through Britain. Ultimately there is little doubt in my mind that the status quo will remain. It would seem that among pro-independence supporters in Scotland one of their main gripes with the union is that England is dragging the rest of the UK down a neoliberal cosmopolitan path against their will. A point I happen to sympathize with. Yet if Scotland decides to secede from the British Union little will change for both countries.The political energy in Scotland and the rest of Britain is directed into the existing political system representing an internal quarrel rather than a revolution.  Arguably the nationalist convulsion that is pulsating through Britain is unlikely to have a lasting impact.

It is this introversion that will ultimately exasperate the currents of change in Britain. Much of the vitality of these civic visions, nationalist or internationalist is directed towards the political center. History shows that the main political parties in the UK are usually able to absorb discontent with relative ease. By lurching the Tory party to the right, Margret Thatcher killed of the National Front which had around 20,000 members in the mid-Seventies. For the popular Nationalists and the cosmopolitan romanticists, their vision is ultimately the same. State power is the same weather in the guise of glistening public works projects with distant completion dates or in the footsteps of hundreds of blue clad campaigners with ‘yes’ plastered across their chests.

The current  mire that the Labor and Tory party find themselves in will be temporary. With the full weight of the mass media and a hopelessly exclusive voting system the dominant party’s seat on the Westminster throne will be difficult to unseat. However I would also argue that for all of those invested in mainstream politics the contemporary mistrust of the establishment won’t improve much anytime soon. For this reason the effects of the Scottish vote and other communitarian movements will be limited. But it will be a similarly dismal outlook for the cosmopolite vanguard.