No Representation without Taxation

A couple of weeks ago, Pro-Capitalist posed the thought experiment Should people on (unemployment) benefits be allowed to vote?

The basis of his argument, and I’m paraphrasing here, is that by allowing those who are ‘net receivers’ of government money to choose how it is spent ensures we are stuck in a cycle which perpetuates Milton Friedman’s third law of spending money:

“I can spend somebody else’s money on myself. And if I spend somebody else’s money on myself, then I’m sure going to have a good lunch!”

You can read his thoughts in full – as well as the debate in the comments – for yourself. What I am going to do is take his thoughts to the logical conclusion

Should anyone who is a net beneficiary of tax-payers money have a stake in how it is spent?

and see if such a policy could even work.

Before I even attempt to answer the question, it would perhaps help if I indicated who I believe to be a net beneficiary of tax-payers money. In simple terms I am referring to anyone whose remuneration (including employer’s NI) from governmental sources outweighs that from non-governmental sources.

Taking Pro-Capitalist’s position as a start, this means expanding the net to include all governmental benefits, e.g incapacity benefit, child benefit, tax-credits, housing benefit et al.

But it doesn’t end there. By only singling out those who are getting State handouts without (in many cases) doing any work, we are forgetting all of those who are directly employed by the State, e.g. police officers, teachers, members of the armed forces, NHS staff, those in Whitehall etc as well as those who are (allegedly) in charge*.

At this point no doubt any civil servant reading this will be be yelling at the computer saying “But I pay taxes!” There is only one correct answer to this: “No you don’t. Any tax you pay from non-investment income is illusionary, a tactic to make you believe you have some stake in the system.”

The final group we can add to our list of net beneficiaries are those in receipt of a State Pension but not of private or (non-tapayer funded) occupational pension. This will seem harsh given that the propaganda for many years has been that paying NI over the course of a working life is supposed to mean there is a pot of money with your name on it for when you retire but, as is so often the case, the propaganda is wrong and all of that money was spent in the year it was taken from you.

What we have then is proposal which would disenfranchise a very, very wide pool of people.

But what about the voting? At the present time we have elections nationally every four or five years (supposedly every five years from now on). Added to this we have elections for some or all of the European Parliament; the devolved assemblies of Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales; county councils; unitary authorities; borough councils; parish councils** plus the odd referendum.

Having defined our terms, we now come now to the practical issue of how to implement the proposal.

Which is where, as with everything, the problems arise.

With the changes after the last general election, all of the elections I’ve listed (and I’m going to ignore by-elections) are now on a fixed term cycle. Thus logically we should determine who is/isn’t a net beneficiary – and thus allowed to vote – over the course of that cycle. This then throws up our first spanner: how?

Voter registration is currently undertaken by local authorities on a ‘by household’ basis, although this is set to change as the government is planning on moving to a system of individual voter registration in order to clamp down on voting fraud.

In our new system how are local authorities going to check who, of those applying for a vote, is eligible? I can’t see HMRC and the DWP taking too kindly to processing Yes/No requests from councils for the almost 50 million people over 18 who might qualify. The two aforementioned organisations could make their data publicly available to all councils but I can’t imagine anyone liking that idea, even if the government exempted itself from the DPA over it. How about then we ask everyone to present P60s covering the preceding requisite number of tax years at registration? Works for those on PAYE but no-one else. It also doesn’t detail any benefits received so would be no use in cases such as those claiming working tax-credits.

Is there then a simple way of working out how to square this circle without completely reforming the entire tax and benefit system? Not that such a thing wouldn’t be a good idea…

Assuming that a way can be found to figure out who is or isn’t allowed to vote based on their reliance or not on the public purse, we then come to the elections themselves.

For a general election, checking tax paid against benefits is fine. After all it is national government which levies income taxes. But what about the others?

The European Union is (mostly) funded by contributions from member countries. As that contribution is paid for from the taxes of the revenue generating sector, the sensible option would be to base the vote/non-vote on the same criteria as the general election.

Looking at the local and regional elections though, is net income a valid approach? They are all funded by grants from central government with local councils adding to this via council tax.

With the central government grant being a redistribution of national taxes from the centre to the regions, does this mean that people in those areas which distribute more than they receive (London for instance) are eligible to vote in every local election around the country? I can’t see that idea going down to well!

How about then for local elections we use the measure of who pays council tax? It is chargeable on all properties within the area not wholly occupied by those in receipt of council tax benefits, those who are excluded from paying it (students, armed forces serving abroad) and those properties which are subject to probate/unfit for habitation.

Working out who is eligible vote based on those criteria would appear to be much simpler. Yes, in some areas you’d have a lot of second home owners who would be eligible but they own the property and pay tax on it so why shouldn’t they be?

What I can’t work out though is who would be eligible to vote in the assembly elections. As no portion of their income is raised locally*** it would seems that they should be treated like general and European elections and based on the national taxation paid by people residing in those countries.

I’m sure there are answers to all of the issues I’ve come across (and I doubt I’ve found them all) but can they be found within our present system?

Indeed, would it even be desirable to do so?

Answers in the comments section please.

* I’m not including the employees of RBS, Lloyds-HBOS etc and the other nationalised banks here as their salaries are not paid out the pubic purse.

** I suspect I’ve probably missed a level of ‘representation’ somewhere.

*** Yes, I know Scotland has the ability to vary income tax by up to 3% of the basic rate but it has yet to be used.

24 responses to “No Representation without Taxation”

  1. When people pay taxes, they get a dated receipt. On the receipt is a QR code in a well-known format (so hackivists can check it) which gives a date and a digital signature. It would be on a tear off slip so that it can be fully anonymous. People would walk into the polling station, present the tear-off QR code, beep, then they get the ballot paper. The QR code would be good for the whole cycle, which means paying 1p tax at any time gets you the vote.

    Then you stop paying taxes to public sector workers, and let incentives take care of the rest.

    See also https://libertarianhome.co.uk/2012/04/suffering-suffrage/

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  2. This has long been at the “extreme wing” of my policy space, but then again, we suffer from a significant problem of vested interests and vote buying.

    I am not one to condone and support corruption.

    Note that under a Libertarian govt, schoolsanNospitles will not be run by the State so significantly more than a million “public sector” workers would not fall under this scheme.

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    1. It is definatley extreme, which is why I advocated applying the system only to a reformed Lords.

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  3. Thanks for the thought provoking entry.

    Current situation – We are in a democracy. A few are net tax payers and many are net tax receivers.

    To make the change to the new system the representatives drafting it would have to be elected. The net beneficiary’s will not vote for this as it worsens their perceived situation. (i.e. they move from having a vote and free benefits, to just having free benefits at best).
    Meaning there is no incentive to change the law.

    Even if we were to get this law drafted in some way, and only net payers could vote, they would surely vote to reduce their burden. This in turn would lead to more people being able to vote as there would be less net beneficiary’s. This would continue till it either reached an equilibrium point or enough poor people are able to vote again to restore the old system.

    Another problem with this, is the vote allows people to vent without taking up arms. Deny them the vote and it will eventually lead to violent struggle.
    At best the limitation of vote should apply to fiscal issues, and not social issues(like sexual orientation laws or free speech laws).
    You would then need one chamber for fiscal issues and another for social issues. (Some laws would need to be passed by both chambers).

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  4. Basically you would have to stop the Public Sector Tax and NI merry go round.

    And then implement some rule saying you must have paid at least £5,000 in tax over 5 years to get a vote.

    Personally, I kind of like the idea. But as we all know there are so many vested interests in the current system it is unlikely to change.

    And it is further complicated by all the ‘Private’ Firms that receive most or all their income from State contracts/work.

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    1. If some proportion of the tax is saved by the public sector employer (e.g. because some employees would not require the full tax cut as incentive), then there would be substantial in-sourcing of roles over time.

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      1. Tim Carpenter Avatar
        Tim Carpenter

        On budgetary terms there would indeed be a significant disincentive to outsource.

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  5. This is not a logically consistent position. What about all the secretaries and admin folk at the mod. If they are excluded what about the army. The fallacy with this logic is that someone in the ta drafted to fight in the front line would lose their vote. A geolibertarian position would not deny people the vote for these reasons. Are we really saying that a doctor drafted from a private hospital to the front line is not paying tax because he is working for the govt. What if he us contracted to an agency ?

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  6. Tim Carpenter Avatar
    Tim Carpenter

    I do not see the logical inconsistency.

    Soldiers and police need to accept theirs is an apolitical existence, that is their role, just as the Civil Service should be apolitical.

    Those in the Territorials are paying tax as they have normal jobs. If they are drafted in full time, then at that point they become full time soldiers and so surely accept that they must for that time be apolitical. If they do not want to be apolitical, then they have a choice not to be in the TA. Once any emergency is over, then they return to their full time jobs and so regain the vote.

    Being a doctor is neither here nor there.

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  7. Is anyone in this forum really in favour of removing the right to vote from serving military ?

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    1. Tim Carpenter Avatar
      Tim Carpenter

      You raised the issue of inconsistency.

      There is a very fundamental moral/ethical/lawful principle here, of vote buying and vested interests.

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    2. Right-Wing Hippy Avatar
      Right-Wing Hippy

      In the excitement about this idea we seem to have forgotten 50%+ of libertarian theory. Libertarians don’t just claim that people are gaining privilege by measurable wealth transfers we claim that privilege is gained in ways that can’t be measured through favourable laws (anti-competitive et al) and even through foreign invasions to secure resources. Any theory that posits that only people who lose out of the system should be allowed to vote, would have to account for these things, which is utterly impossible. In truth we do not know (quantitatively) who benefits most from the system as it stands and can’t know.

      As Paul says above “At best the limitation of vote should apply to fiscal issues” – quite so, but as I say, even this would not be even handed.

      It is highly likely that the winner out of a change like this would not be libertarianism but corporatism.

      Those who lose their vote would still be subject to the legal system, but without any influence over it, the outcome of this, again, unpredictable but potentially horrendous.

      This is not to mention (as I did the last time this was brought up) the total impossibility of it in a society that prizes democracy (even over freedom). You could bang on all day about welfare scroungers and ending the NHS, but if you really want a backlash against “libertarianism” start advocating this policy.

      In a general sense, libertarians have to find a way to appeal to people’s self-interest, that is the average person’s self-interest if not precisely the majority interest. If we can’t do that then we can’t succeed in politics.

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      1. Tim Carpenter Avatar
        Tim Carpenter

        R-WH,

        To say this is about only allowing those who lose out to vote is a total inversion.

        It is, for me, basically about preventing vote buying.

        If that extends to bias in law, then laws can be addressed. Further, no longer employing millions directly in monopolistic entities can addressed. What cannot be altered are those who, in a Minarchist environment, will remain paid by the taxpayer.

        If you want to expand on those who get legal advantage, then I am interested.

        That said, I do recognise it is extreme, but it has a fundamental point at its heart. In so discussing, we can also see the magnitude of how enmeshed and dependent people have become on The Monopoly.

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      2. Right-Wing Hippy Avatar
        Right-Wing Hippy

        “If you want to expand on those who get legal advantage, then I am interested.”

        But that would be an open-ended debate, involving no small amount of disagreement even amongst libertarians. That would be an all-of-libertarianism debate, and as I say not quantifiable.

        Needless to say, a thorough understanding of the effects of government leads one to the conclusion that a world without it might be unrecognisable, certainly not predictable.

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      3. Right-Wing Hippy Avatar
        Right-Wing Hippy

        “To say this is about only allowing those who lose out to vote is a total inversion.”

        Hang on, so what is it then? You’d apply a threshold past which you’re deemed to have such a large advantage that you lose your vote?

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  8. It’s a nice Debating Society discussion, but totally impractical, unrealistic, and electoral suicide. Imagine the scenario:

    Canvasser: Hello Sir, can we count on your vote? We want to give you back your freedoms.

    Voter: I work as a porter in the NHS, and heard you want to take away my right to vote.

    Canvasser: That’s right. Vote for us now, and if we get in it’s the last vote you’ll ever cast, unless you change jobs or your employer become fully privatised.

    *SLAM*

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    1. Which is a great illustration of why it should be limited to the upper house:

      Canvasser: Hello Sir, can we count on your vote? We want to give you back your freedoms.

      Voter: I work as a porter in the NHS, I like your policy on tax cuts for NHS workers, but I heard you also want to take away my right to vote.

      Canvasser: Fortunatley that’s not true. And certainly not if you ever paid tax on your savings. We just want there to be an upper house with a bias in favour of the people that pay the bills, and economically that’s the private sector, though I accept other sectors manage useful infrastructure and we value their expertise. That expertise is why we will never do the same in the lower house, or repeal the Parliament Act.

      Voter: Parliament Act, what’s that then?

      Canvasser: In means the lower house whould still be able to overrule the upper house in specific circumstances, but at least it would be obvious that the taxpayer is being overruled in favour of the majority, which happens now all the time but it’s much less obvious. The exemption from income tax is part of making it more obvious.

      Voter: Oh I see, actually that is quite reasonable and transparent and much better than a “Lords” full of sky-fairy worshoppers and blue-blooded inbreds.

      Canvasser: I see you feel quite strongly about Lords reform. I wouldn’t use such terms myself, but I see I can be assured of your vote?

      Voter: abso-bloody-lutely.

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      1. Tim Carpenter Avatar
        Tim Carpenter

        If limiting it to the upper house curtails the effects of vote-buying, then it makes sense.

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  9. Are you proposing that people are denied the right to vote on whether they be sent to war or drafted. In this scenario the unemployed could simply be sent to Afghanistan.

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    1. Tim Carpenter Avatar
      Tim Carpenter

      Before focusing on highly improbable scenarios to scare people into keeping the status quo, how about examining the problem we face (vote buying) and coming up with an alternative solution?

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      1. To answer Tim’s question we need to go back to basics. What I term ‘compound’ libertarianism (sometimes termed royal libertarianism) is the desire by libertarians to get the state out of their life. This type of libertarianism is typified by the idea that people own their own land and they want the government to not be involved much in their lives. Compound libertarians often want state income from oil revenues to be used for the basics of defence, policing and law. When the state tries to collect tax this can lead to resentment. The state worker does not resent tax but the private sector worker may do. A particular issue for them is often benefit claimants for whom they sometimes advocate disenfranchisement.It views the system as a way for political parties to buy votes.

        This approach is flawed because it fails to appreciate why we have a benefit system. The roots of the benefit system lie in the poor laws (1834). Prior to the poor laws there was no real benefit system in the UK, however people did not starve because there was common land. Those who were poor were able to graze cows and pigs on ‘the common’. Also they had the right to build a house on patches of empty land. According to one tradition if you could put the roof on a house by midnight the land was yours (midnight cottage)

        http://www.g8journey.com/experience/open/experience_open.php?level=picture&id=3705

        In the 1800s this changed. Those who had the vote passed laws (the enclosure acts) which removed the land rights of those without votes. This was done to allow for sheep farming. This meant that the poor had no means to support themselves and no way to change the law. With no way to vote out the government some of the poor turned to theft. Theft of sheep occurred and was a capital offence (the origin of the phase ‘may as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb’). The poor law was introduced not as an act of generosity but as a way to compensate the poor for the appropriation of their previous means of subsistence. It was almost entirely paid for by landowners to the unlanded on a local basis originally then on a national basis.

        The Liberal’s, inspired by the economics of Henry George, sought to formalise this arrangement by taxing land at the value of the unimproved land and using the funds to pay for a welfare system. The Lords resisted with great vigour and in 1910 had most of their power removed in a de facto exchange for preventing the land tax. As a result we have the welfare system that we have today which is funded from income tax.

        My proposed solution is to institute a citizens dividend for all citizens as exists in Alaska. In the case of the UK this would be based on oil/mineral wealth and business land. This would mean that it was funded by the natural assets of the land rather than labour. Since this is a major challenge to get through parliament the alternative is to think about how this would look if it were introduced. It would involve payments to those on low incomes, a high tax threshold, and a site valuation tax. These are the neo-Georgist policies of the Liberal Democrats. (I have co-authored a book on this subject which has the detail – ‘The Alternative View’)

        My solution is to leave the voting system intact and create a system based on geolibertarian principles. I reject the categorisation of welfare state as vote buying. It is closer to the truth to view it as related to compensation for the removal of land rights.

        Ed Joyce

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      2. To answer Tim’s question we need to go back to basics. What I term ‘compound’ libertarianism (sometimes termed royal libertarianism) is the desire by libertarians to get the state out of their life. Thise type of libertarianism is typified by the idea that people own their own land and they want the government to not be involved. Compound libertarians often want state income from oil revenue to be used for the basics of defence, policing and law. They want to run their own lives and for the state to not be involved. When the state tries to collect tax this leads to resentment. The state worker does not resent tax but the private sector worker may do. A particular issue for them is often benefit claimants for whom they sometimes advocate disenfranchisement.It views the system as a way for political parties to buy votes.

        This approach is flawed because it fails to appreciate why we have a benefit system. The roots of the benefit system lie in the poor laws. Prior to the poor laws there was no benefit system in the UK,however people did not starve because there was common land. Those who were poor were able to graze cows and pigs on ‘the common’. Also they had the right to build a house on patches of empty land. According to one tradition if you could put the roof on a house by midnight the land was yours (midnight cottage)

        In the 1800s this changed. Those who had the vote passed laws (the enclosure acts) which removed the land rights of those without votes. This was done to allow for sheep farming. This meant that the poor had no means to support themselves and no way to change the law. With no way to vote out the government some of the poor turned to theft. Theft of sheep occurred and was a capital offence (the origin of the phase ‘may as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb’). The poor law was introduced not as an act of generosity but as a way to compensate the poor for the appropriation of their previous means of subsistence. It was almost entirely paid for by landowners to the unlanded on a local basis.

        The Liberal’s, inspired by the economics of Henry George, sought to formalise this arrangement by taxing land at the value of the unimproved land and using the funds to pay for a welfare system. The Lords resisted with great vigour and in 1910 had most of their power removed in a de facto exchange for preventing the land tax. As a result we have the welfare system that we have today which is funded from income tax.

        My proposed solution is to institute a citizens dividend for all citizens as exists in Alaska. In the case of the UK this would be based on oil/mineral wealth and business land. This would mean that it was funded by the natural assets of the land rather than labour. Since this is a major challenge to get through parliament the alternative is to think about how this would look if it were introduced. It would involve payments to those on low incomes, a high tax threshold, and a site valuation tax. These are the neo-Georgist policies of the Liberal Democrats. (I co-authored a book on the subject)

        My solution is to leave the voting system intact and create a system based on geolibertarian principles. I reject the categorisation of welfare state as vote buying. It is closer to the truth to view it as related to compensation for the removal of land rights.

        Ed Joyce

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    2. Tim Carpenter Avatar
      Tim Carpenter

      Further, the scenario you paint can occur now, is made more likely by the reduction in unemployment and would most likey occur during a parliament. Such is Democracy.

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  10. […] have argued that democracy can be tweaked, and the franchise restricted in order to preserve the balance of incentives in favour of liberty. Jan Clifford Lester, a scholar and author with a 30 year record of defending […]

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